By: Jatuporn Susuadmo
Between Mae Sot in Thailand’s Tak Province and Myawaddy in Myanmar’s Karen State, a mountainous landscape and a vast basin are divided by the Mei River, which serves as the border between the two lands.
Mae Sot is known as a frontier town rich in diversity, much like the Mei River that nourishes the varied beliefs and ideals of its multiethnic residents. When the war in Myanmar intensified, Mae Sot became a refuge for those affected. Some have dispersed to other cities in Thailand, while others continue to hold on to this borderland.
Conversely, Mae Sot is also a gateway for travelers from around the world, leading into the criminal hubs sprouting along the Mei River on the Myawaddy side.
Human waves move back and forth across the border, each seeking to achieve their own life goals.
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Bingzin Tar (a pseudonym), a 25-year-old former university student, is one of the young Karen men who fled forced conscription by the Myanmar junta. These young men vehemently refuse to bear arms against their own people, bound by blood and ethnicity.
He studied International Relations at Dagon University in 2018 but decided to quit after encountering an unreliable education system. He then became a volunteer in Yangon, assisting distressed citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic.
“The real misfortune for the people of Myanmar wasn’t the COVID pandemic. Everyone in the world faced COVID. But the coup d’etat by the Burmese army in 2021 was the turning point that sent the country into a downward spiral,” Bingzin recalled, reflecting on the recent crisis in Myanmar.
“Myanmar has long been under military rule. I’ve witnessed so much suffering among my fellow citizens, which is why I joined the fight for democracy.”
“I am Karen. I wanted to join the KNU (Karen National Union), the armed wing fighting for the Karen people. But I have a neurological disorder, and my body is small, so I can’t be a soldier.” The former Dagon University student reflected on how his physical limitations prevented him from fighting for his beliefs.
Although Bingzin couldn’t become a KNU soldier, he shifted his focus to another significant movement: the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a civil resistance movement involving citizens from across Myanmar against the military dictatorship.
“I decided to join the CDM and became a volunteer, delivering food and providing psychological support to those affected by the conflict, including helping displaced persons from war-torn areas,” Bingzin explained his involvement in this political movement.
Myanmar’s citizens have been worn down by the ongoing civil war, which is why one of the CDM’s main activities is providing support to those suffering from the constant fear of gunfire and explosions.
“In my younger years, my hometown had a beautiful landscape, but it was bombed by the Burmese army. They destroyed the warmth it once had. The only thing left is the trace of destructive weapons.”
His personal experiences have bred deep distrust of the Burmese army, while many of his friends suffer from depression.
“Mental health is essential. Even when you have nothing left, if your mind is strong, you can find the strength to keep fighting. But my efforts to help others regain their mental strength ended when the Burmese army activated the national conscription law.”
The law he refers to mandates that all young adults in Myanmar must serve in the military for two to five years.
“I was at the top of the list of draftees. I had to abandon everything in Myanmar and flee to find refuge.”
After his dedicated efforts were crushed by the harsh rules of the Burmese junta, Bingzin fled to Thailand, like many others from Myanmar.
“Many people fled to Thailand because they didn’t want to serve in the Burmese army. You never know what that life will bring. You can see that many young men and women from Myanmar are flooding into Thailand, even though they must stay here illegally.”
Bingzin and his friends left Yangon on March 16, 2024, and stayed in Hpa-An for a week before crossing the bridge from Myawaddy to Mae Sot. This unexpected journey took days to complete. Now, he and his friends reside in different places across Thailand.
“At first, we entered Thailand legally as non-immigrants, but our documents expired after seven days. We had no choice but to stay here illegally,” he explained.
Being an illegal immigrant in Thailand takes a toll on Bingzin and many of his fellow citizens from Myanmar. They initially tried to follow legal procedures, but the bureaucratic red tape offered them no sympathy. In the end, many young and capable adults from Myanmar became illegal immigrants, living in hiding.
“Back in April, during my first month in Thailand, I ran into a police officer who asked to see my identification. He said that if I didn’t have documents, I would have to pay or be deported to Myanmar. I decided to pay 1,000 baht instead of being sent back and becoming a Burmese soldier.”
“I wanted to be a legal refugee here, but the cost of applying for a Pink Card (a Non-Thai Identification Card granted by the Thai government) is too high. I tried to find a job to earn some money, but I can’t speak Thai, and I don’t have documents. No one would hire me for any legal work.”
Many Myanmar youths in Thailand face the same fate as Bingzin. Most have higher education degrees, but they can only find work as day laborers, which is a significant loss for Thailand as the host country for these skilled workers. This situation also reflects the Thai administration’s lack of awareness and innovative strategy regarding the issue at a national level.
“There’s a price to pay for being a legal immigrant. The fee for a Pink Card application costs 10,000 baht per year per person.” Bingzin admitted that he couldn’t afford the Pink Card, so he followed his friends to sneak into Thailand’s industrial provinces to find work.
For now, Bingzin is determined to study the Thai language and improve his communication skills. He and eight friends also established a mental rehabilitation network called ‘Empathy Realm,’ with the help of professors from Yangon University as consultants. Their goal is to support the mental health of Myanmar immigrants in Thailand, particularly youths, democracy activists, and former political prisoners.
“They’ve been mentally devastated. They lost their homes and families and were harassed by the authorities. Some were even tortured. These experiences have severely impacted their mental health, leading to depressive disorders.
“There’s also post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Many political refugees suffer from this condition along with depression because they were forced to cut all ties with their families. They can’t communicate with their loved ones, even though they’re still alive. The Burmese junta keeps them under surveillance, threatening their lives. They can’t reconnect with their families, to protect the lives of their loved ones in Myanmar.”
Bingzin’s words illustrate the loss and pain experienced by the young Myanmar fighters, forced out of their homeland by the brutal acts of the military regime and the ongoing political conflict in their country.
Many lives have been shattered by the coup d’etat and civil war. These circumstances drove Bingzin and his friends to leave their families and homes to seek shelter on foreign soil.
But for them, the life of an illegal immigrant is far better than being forced to fight and kill people of the same race and bloodline in an unjust war.
Yet, he will hold on to his hope, fate, and beliefs, waiting for the day he can return to his native land.
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