By Fuadi Pitsuwan
Lecturer in International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University
Recent developments—ranging from cross-border pollution caused by rare earth mining operations in areas of Myanmar controlled by ethnic armed groups, allegedly involving Chinese state-owned enterprises; allegations of transnational criminal networks involving Chinese nationals; the unlawful acquisition of Thai citizenship; and the repatriation of political dissidents, which has raised human rights concerns; to the Chinese Embassy’s communications with civil society, the media, and academics, as well as its interactions with members of the House of Representatives and the Senate, which have on several occasions raised questions about the appropriateness of diplomatic conduct—all point to one reality: Thailand–China relations are entering a more complex period of transition.
There is little doubt that China’s influence in today’s world order continues to expand. Thailand and China are deeply interconnected through shared economic and strategic interests, and their bilateral relations are built on a long history. At the same time, however, Thailand possesses its own political values, political culture, and way of life. It also has an active and vibrant civil society. Therefore, as Thailand adapts to a new world order in which China plays an increasingly influential role, China should also learn to coexist with Thai society.
Unlike in the past, Thailand–China relations today extend far beyond government-to-government ties. They now encompass virtually every level of society, including trade, investment, education, tourism, technology and people-to-people exchanges. Consequently, the impact of policies and actions taken by either side no longer remains confined to diplomatic circles. They directly shape public confidence, perceptions and attitudes in both countries. As relations become closer, public expectations inevitably rise. Building trust, therefore, cannot rely solely on cooperation between governments; it also requires the confidence of civil society, the media, the business community, academic institutions and political institutions.
For this reason, managing Thailand–China relations in the years ahead should not focus solely on geopolitics or shared state interests. Equal importance must be given to legitimacy, transparency and public acceptance. In the end, stable international relations depend as much on the confidence of the people in both countries as they do on mutual understanding between governments.
Against this backdrop, five issues deserve serious consideration.
First, the current situation is an important test of the fiduciary duty of Thai state officials and the government to protect the nation’s and its people’s supreme interests. The Thai government must demonstrate sufficient courage and independence to safeguard Thailand’s national interests, the welfare of its citizens and the country’s fundamental values, particularly when confronted by pressure from major powers or significant economic interests.
This responsibility does not require Thailand to choose sides or pursue policies hostile to any country. Rather, it means making decisions based on the interests of the Thai state and the Thai people, under the principles of the rule of law, transparency and public accountability. At a time when major powers wield increasing influence, maintaining independence in policymaking is more important than ever. Public confidence in the state can only be sustained when people believe that government decisions are guided by the national interest rather than by the interests of particular groups or external pressure.
Second, Thailand itself must strengthen the rule of law, improve law enforcement and intensify anti-corruption efforts. Many of the problems currently confronting the country—including illegal business operations, nominee arrangements, the unlawful acquisition of rights or Thai citizenship, and transnational crime—can only flourish where legal loopholes exist or law enforcement is weak. Strengthening Thailand’s institutions is therefore a responsibility that Thailand must undertake itself, both to safeguard national interests and to ensure these problems are not dismissed merely as the consequence of weaknesses in the legal system or domestic corruption.
Third, China should reconsider aspects of its foreign policy modus operandi, particularly the so-called “wolf warrior” diplomacy, which risks undermining its credibility and generating resistance within Thai society rather than fostering understanding and trust. Communications and actions aimed directly at pressuring civil society, the media and academics, as well as engagement with Thailand’s legislature that appears to bypass the government, represent a concerning development. Such actions risk increasing tensions and public resistance while diminishing China’s ability to build credibility and public trust in Thailand. This approach bears the characteristics of coercive diplomacy rather than cooperative engagement. If China seeks to play a constructive and sustainable role in Thailand, it should place greater emphasis on soft power through cooperation, listening, and mutual respect as the primary basis for engaging with Thai society.
Fourth, China should establish clearer priorities for the issues it chooses to address. It should distinguish between matters that should be allowed to evolve according to the dynamics of Thai society, those that warrant dialogue and cooperation with civil society, and those best addressed through government-to-government cooperation. Applying different approaches to different issues would be more conducive to building long-term confidence and positive bilateral relations than relying primarily on confrontation.
Fifth, although many of the incidents under discussion may not directly involve the Chinese government, China, as a country with close relations with Thailand, nonetheless has a responsibility to demonstrate political will and a genuine readiness to act to resolve these issues in a concrete, transparent, and verifiable manner. Doing so would help build confidence and trust among the Thai public. At the same time, China should recognize that respecting Thailand’s sovereignty entails more than merely respecting its territorial integrity or the principle of non-interference. It also requires respecting Thailand’s right to determine its public policies and the fundamental values of its society through its own democratic processes, including the protection of freedom, human rights, and humanitarian principles—values that many in Thai society hold dear.
The truth of the matter is that sustainable Thailand–China relations can only be achieved when both sides learn to coexist based on a clear understanding of their respective roles and responsibilities. And we should be reminded that stable international relations cannot rest solely upon shared interests; they must also be built upon trust and mutual respect for differences.
This is a translation of original Thai article https://transbordernews.in.th/home/?p=46898